Speech at University of Reykjavik, 23 November, 2011

‘Ireland’s Experience of EU Accession’

“My Government fully shares the ideals which inspired the parties to the Treaty and accepts the aims of the Community … as well as the action proposed to achieve those aims”.

So wrote our then Taoiseach, the Irish Prime Minister, Sean Lemass, fifty years ago, on 31st July, 1961, when he lodged Ireland’s application to join the European Economic Community. Then, as now, our desire for membership of the EU was motivated by the idea rather than the profit.

In just over twelve months’ time, Ireland will mark 40 years of membership of what is now the European Union. I am a child of that Union; I have not known life as it was in Ireland before our membership of the EU..

I am a passionate European and I am here to tell you why.

But before I do, let me briefly set the scene of that time. Ireland first sought membership back in 1957-58, with a 20-year derogation period before full membership. It was blocked by France. For many, that seemed to rule out membership in their lifetime.

One of the key visionaries to the forefront of advocating the European ideal to the Irish people was the former leader of my political party, Dr Garret FitzGerald, who sadly died earlier this year, and whose parliamentary constituency I now have the honour to represent. Uniquely in Irish politics, Dr FitzGerald was known just as Garret by everyone, in the Icelandic style.

Before he entered politics, Dr FitzGerald was the Chairman of the Irish Council of the European Movement (from 1959 to 1963). This organisation had no political affiliations and drew support from all sectors. Its basic aim was to set out the facts – the benefits and the downsides – of EU membership. It certainly did a good job, as when the referendum on Ireland’s membership was held on 11th May 1972, a five to one majority voted in favour of membership.

Dr FitzGerald became Minister for Foreign Affairs two months after Ireland joined. He was pivotal throughout his political life as Minister for Foreign Affairs, Prime Minister, political commentator, as an independent writer, in advocating, explaining, upholding the benefits that Ireland accrued through our membership.

Will-power and stubbornness, but, above all, the vision and foresight that Ireland’s rightful place was at the heart of Europe, reversed that gloomy prognosis of the naysayers and, on 1st January, 1973, Ireland, along with the UK and Denmark, became the first three “accession” states of the European project.

Then & Now

In 1973, Irish GDP was 60% of the European average. We were, far and away, the poorest of those nine Member States. Today, we are relatively prosperous, with a GDP well above the European average.

In 1973, we were a country plagued by emigration with a workforce of less than one million. Today, we have almost two million employed and though, many of our young workforce are again seeking jobs abroad in Europe and Australia, we, as a government, are making determined efforts to redress the situation.

In 1973, Ireland attracted only €16 million in foreign direct investment. Today, we count our FDI in many billions. It has exceeded €30 billion and our economy has been transformed with almost 1,000 companies in the foreign-owned sector. By any standards, Ireland is above the curve in the levels of foreign direct investment that we receive.

Recent findings by the American Chamber of Commerce to the EU show that from 2000-2006 Ireland received far more US investment than China or India did. Today, we are home to seven of the world’s top ten ICT companies, fifteen of the world’s top twenty-five medical technology companies and nine of the top ten pharmaceutical companies.

In 1973, our foreign trade, largely with our nearest and dearest neighbour, the UK, was one tenth of what it is now and highly dependent on primary agricultural products. Today, the European single market has expanded our trade exponentially with exports from the pharmaceutical, software and services sectors accounting for over €90 billion, leading our economic revival.

In 1973, only 4% of Irish students went on to University level education. Today, some 26% do so, one of the highest levels in Europe. And I am pleased to say that the EU has brought much greater equality to Ireland, with women assuming a mainstream profile facilitated by the changes brought by membership..

The EU can be a catalyst for change. In 1973 the Council for the Status of Women was established in Ireland. In 1974, the Anti-Discrimination Act was a unique advance for us. The Employment Equality Act was passed in 1977. I know that these things are taken for granted now, particularly in Iceland, but new frontiers and social challenges are present even today. The EU can usually be found to the forefront in bringing about change and setting international standards.

But, as you know here in Iceland far better than we do, equality is work in progress and we in the EU can all learn from your experience!

The arguments in favour of accession are not only economic. Irish society has been transformed for the good in so many other ways in the last four decades.

The quality of life for the Irish people has changed for the better because Ireland is part of the EU. Better conditions of employment, better health and safety regulation, maximum working hours and protection of young workers, equal treatment for men and women, maternity leave, parental leave and childcare, have all come about in Ireland because of the EU.

Perhaps most importantly however, EU membership has afforded us the opportunity to make a contribution, as a partner, whether through policies, personnel or Presidencies; something I think Ireland has done well over the 39 years of membership.

In summary, I believe it is no exaggeration to say that membership of the EU has given Ireland a tremendous boost in our self-confidence as a nation.

Irish Presidencies

In that respect, given that Ireland will assume its seventh presidency of the EU on 1 January, 2013, I think it would be appropriate, and , I hope, interesting for you, if I dwell for a moment on our contribution in that important role of a Member State of the Union.

I  believe that I can say, in all modesty, that we have carried out all six presidencies since 1973, with distinction and international recognition. Among the highlights: the “Lomé Convention”, a first trade pact between 46 countries of Africa, Caribbean and Pacific states and the 9 European Community states which was finalised and signed during our first presidency in 1975.

I might also recall that the challenge and progress of German Reunification took place during our 1990 Presidency and, most recently, the accession of the ten central and eastern European states which took place in May 2004, during our last presidency.

Such a role has allowed us to influence the collective policy of the Union for the collective good. Our approach has always been to put the interests of all before any selfish policy consideration; not to bring any national baggage to the table when we take on the responsibilities of the role of the Presidency of the Council of the European Union.

The Broader European Perspective

And, I can say that overall, the European Union itself has a proud record of achievement. It has helped to rebuild Europe after the traumas and wreckage of war. It has ushered in an era of stability and of relative prosperity, even now.

This question is sometimes asked, what is the EU’s mission in today’s world? Chief among its tasks is the goal of helping secure Europe’s prosperity in a changing global environment.

There is much to be done if Europe is to prosper in light of intensifying competition from emerging economies. Looking at the progress made by countries such as China and India in the past two decades, it is clear that we need to work together to make our European economies more competitive. This will not be easy and there can be no absolute guarantee of success.

Both of our countries are coping with recent economic hardship and the implementation of austerity packages to put our economies back on track; now is not the time or the place to analyse the cause and effect of failures in recent years. Thankfully, both of our countries are on the road to recovery, but we must persevere and stick to the goals that we have set ourselves.

One very clear lesson which we have learnt from the recent crisis is the profound inter-dependence of our economies. This is why we must work at European level to remove the remaining obstacles to the realisation of the full potential of the Single European Market. That is why we must take the relevant steps to strengthen the stability of the Euro Zone.

There is need for a determined effort to create the conditions for recovery in the real economy. This means more investment, increased exports, greater innovation, improved competitiveness and, most important of all, more job creation.

Ireland’s own national strategy, which is entitled Building Ireland’s Smart Economy, focuses on the key catalysts of knowledge and innovation, on a more sustainable economy, on high employment and on social inclusion.

The European Union is also implementing a new European Strategy for Jobs and Growth called Europe 2020. This Strategy, which also covers the headline targets of employment, research and development, climate change and energy, education and social inclusion, will greatly enhance the ability of Member States to reinforce their economic and social policies to deliver on growth, jobs and public finances.

Speaking in this Icelandic university, let me say clearly that our collective future prospects lie with the adoption in Europe of a ‘smart economy syndrome’. There is a need to commercialise the knowledge that exists in our Universities and other places of learning. Economic innovation needs to become Europe’s watchword. Competitiveness must be put at the heart of the European agenda.

I recall that it was not so long ago when text books described Ireland as having little or no natural resources; those books were wrong. The greatest natural resources of any country, Iceland or Ireland, are its people. And there are three factors that count in any country’s development: education, education, education.

Social inclusion is also a vital concern, for it is clear to us in Ireland that the European Union cannot thrive without a strong social dimension. This was something that emerged during the debate we had in Ireland concerning the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty.

It is why we secured a Solemn Declaration on social policy as part of the package of measures agreed in June 2009 in response to the concerns of the Irish people regarding the Lisbon Treaty. Our Solemn Declaration underlines the Union’s aim to combat social exclusion and discrimination and to promote social justice.

The Union’s success is, as always, dependent on the political will of the Member States and the sense of solidarity between them. During the more than 50 years since the signing of the Treaty of Rome, those qualities have asserted themselves time and time again.

The European Project

Beyond Europe, the greatest significance of EU membership for Ireland has been the opportunity it has given us to contribute an Irish perspective on international issues.

Our current economic travails make us appreciate all the more the stability which membership of the EU and the euro area provides. European solidarity has proved itself during these turbulent times.

Those who argue that Ireland’s voice is drowned out in an EU of twenty-seven Member States, who claim that Ireland simply follows the commands of Brussels, “over there”, are quite simply wrong.

Such a viewpoint is misleading on two levels. Firstly Ireland is a full participant in Brussels, Strasbourg and Luxembourg. We make those decisions alongside our European partners: the Danes, the French, the Germans, the twenty-three other sovereign states that make up the EU.

Ireland contributes to those decisions in the European Parliament through the MEPs that we, the people of Ireland, have directly elected.

Let there be no confusion. EU legislation is not an endless torrent of dictates from Brussels imposed upon us. Every piece of EU legislation – every single piece – has been passed by Irish Ministers after being shaped by Irish officials and Ministers. It is our law.

The decisions that result from this process set higher standards for environmental protection, guarantee cheaper mobile phone bills, ensure better rights for passengers in air transport, respond to natural disasters such as floods in Pakistan or the earthquakes in Haiti and Japan, and lead to missions to protect refugees fleeing conflict zones such as the UN-mandated, Irish-led EU mission in Chad. This is the reality of the European project.

Enlargement

In speaking about Ireland’s experience of accession, I should also refer to our experience of the accession of other countries, and ongoing enlargement policy, especially as it affects Iceland.

Let me preface these remarks by stating that Ireland is, and always has been, in favour of enlargement as a vital tool of EU policy. The political party which I represent has always been to the fore on EU issues. In Ireland we see EU enlargement not as a challenge but as an opportunity. Enlargement is a win-win initiative, both for the candidates and for existing members of the Union. The negotiation process is key and a fair and proper balance must be achieved for all accession states.

Despite recent negative publicity, potential membership of the Union continues to hold a strong attraction, as the list of accession candidates demonstrates.

As I have tried to show earlier, in citing the example of our own accession, the process bolsters economic and political reform processes in many of the candidate countries. This in turn reinforces peace, democracy and stability in our immediate neighbourhood. And our European Union needs to grow if it is to survive and to prosper.

Of course, the candidate process has to be both scrupulous and rigorous in application, taking account both of the capacity of the EU to integrate new members and of their ability to meet EU political and economic criteria.

As the Icelandic negotiators know well, candidates have to meet well-established criteria and the terms of accession are set in a negotiation based on the body of Union laws. As in any negotiation, the eventual outcome and timeframe cannot be predetermined. Each applicant is considered on its own merits.

We will welcome Croatia as the 28th Member State in mid-2013. Croatia’s success in completing the process has given a boost to the prospects of the other Western Balkans countries. Serbia and Montenegro in particular are making good progress with the possibility that these two countries will be in accession negotiations by the time Ireland takes over the rotating Presidency in 2013.

We are facing up to the challenge of a broader as well as a deeper Union as we move into our next Presidency; it will be quite a different experience from anything we have been through before.

However I remain confident that the Union, post-Lisbon, now has the necessary tools at its disposal to cope with a Union of 30 or 35 and be enriched by the differing perspectives around the table.

Conclusion

The first five decades of our European journey have been characterised by a healing of historical wounds, there is now a new vista, one of challenge and of opportunity, of hope and of expectation, of peace and of harmony.

Far from failing Ireland, the European project has been the making of modern Ireland.

We are the Ireland that has welcomed every step from a community of nine to a Union of twenty-seven, soon to be twenty eight.

We are the Ireland whose people, young and old, fisherfolk and nanotechnologists, farmers and engineers, have still among the most positive views of membership of that Union.

The European Union has come a long way during its 50 year history. Our journey continues and my hope is that Iceland, in its own wisdom will choose to join us along the road.

I commend it to you!

ENDS